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Cultural Politics: Class, Gender, Race And The Postmodern World, by Glenn Jordan, Chris Weedon
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Glenn Jordan and Chris Weedon look at the role of culture in reproducing and contesting social relations of class, gender and race. They focus on relationships between culture, subjectivity, and power, in what is the first comprehensive introduction to contemporary cultural politics.
* Whose culture shall be the official one and whose shall be subordinated?
* What cultures shall be regarded as worthy of display and which shall be hidden?
* Whose history shall be remembered and whose forgotten?
* What images of social life shall be projected and which shall be marginalized?
* What voices shall be heard and which shall be silenced?
* Who is representing whom and on what basis?
* How can marginalized and oppressed people be empowered to change their social position?
* What is cultural democracy and how can it be achieved?
These key questions are among the radical issues Cultural Politics addresses, through case studies from Britain, North America, Eastern Europe and Australia.
- Sales Rank: #299656 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Wiley-Blackwell
- Published on: 1995-01-09
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.76" h x 1.43" w x 6.85" l, 2.09 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 644 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"With exemplary clarity, this book explains what cultural politics are, explores the history of their emergence in twentieth-century Marxist, feminist and anti-racist thought and practice and reviews the most important contests in recent cultural theory. I have no doubt that it will be an important intellectual resource for teachers and students in all areas of the study of culture." Steven Connor
From the Back Cover
Glenn Jordan and Chris Weedon look at the role of culture in reproducing and contesting social relations of class, gender and race. They focus on relationships between culture, subjectivity, and power, in what is the first comprehensive introduction to contemporary cultural politics.
* Whose culture shall be the official one and whose shall be subordinated?
* What cultures shall be regarded as worthy of display and which shall be hidden?
* Whose history shall be remembered and whose forgotten?
* What images of social life shall be projected and which shall be marginalized?
* What voices shall be heard and which shall be silenced?
* Who is representing whom and on what basis?
* How can marginalized and oppressed people be empowered to change their social position?
* What is cultural democracy and how can it be achieved?
These key questions are among the radical issues Cultural Politics addresses, through case studies from Britain, North America, Eastern Europe and Australia.
About the Author
Glenn Jordan teaches cultural and media studies at the University of Glamorgan. He previously taught at the University of Illinois. He has published on cultural theory, racism and Black intellectual history.
Chris Weedon teaches critical theory, cultural studies and women's studies at the University of Wales, Cardiff, and her books include Feminist Practice and Poststructuralist Theory (1987), published by Blackwell.
Most helpful customer reviews
8 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
The final answer to my (Post-Modern) Intellectual Prayers
By Herbert L Calhoun
According to these authors, the "root node" of culture is power, period.
Culture however defined, has everything to do with struggles to acquire, maintain and resist power -- power that in contemporary times is being used almost exclusively in defense of maintaining the existing status quo. In short, everything social or cultural is fundamentally about power, which is integral to culture. Jordan and Weedon argue rather persuasively that all signifying practices (that is, all meanings) involve power relationships. And while it is possible for power relationships to remain in a steady state, even then they usually signify dominance and subordination. In other words, they "subject" us in the sense that they define our "places" in society and our "modes of subjectivity."
To wit: We are either active subjects who take up positions from which we exercise power within a particular social configuration, or we are "subjected" to the definitions of others. And in this regard, power enables some group members to realize for themselves possibilities that are denied others. Among these are: the means to represent oneself and one's interests; the means to disseminate one's own works; the means to define oneself; the means to define meaning and to shape social values. And among the last of these is: the power to name; the power to represent common sense; the power to create "official versions;" and the power to represent the legitimate social world, among others.
In this series of wide-ranging case studies (that cover the entire socio-economic grid from class and gender to race), the authors suggest (in addition to the rather radical claims made in the above paragraph) that culture is the primary conduit of power; and that power is exercised and secured almost exclusively through "cultural meanings" and "imposed subjectivities." Using a Foucauldian lens, they thus conclude (and I believe they do so correctly) that cultural politics is mostly a struggle over meaning as expressed through power. Thus the fundamental cultural undertaking is about: How to construct such meanings; how to keep them fixed in place; how to define them; how to change them, and how to contest them. Moreover, according to these authors, meaning is not just a carrier of power, but is also the primary channel for its legitimation.
Focusing mainly on the relationship between culture, power, subjectivity and identity, Jordan and Weedon make a strong, clear and convincing case that understanding how properly to use cultural politics is a prerequisite to achieving (in practice) any sense of a secure cultural identity and liberated political and cultural existence. In this regard, the book succeeds in bringing together the best theory and the best practice (as case studies), of many of the best practitioners, and cultural writers and leaders, into a single volume. They do this while avoiding many of errors of other writers who have also tried to tackle these same sensitive and complex subjects, but who have done so by making the substance overly academic - that is to say, by making it unnecessarily dense and confusing. What these authors have done -- presenting a narrative that is profoundly academic without being pedantic and confusing -- is in itself no small accomplishment. For among other reasons, being able to do so makes it all the easier to expose the soft but subtle underbellies of the bane of cultural analysis: structural inequality, passive-aggressive sexism, and most important of all for my writings, institutional racism.
Stripped of the normal dense and almost impenetrable post-modern academic jargon, these authors succeed admirably in raising the central cultural issues being contested today out of the academic closet and into the light of day. Subjects such as: Whose culture should be dominant and whose subordinate? Whose subjectivity should be projected and whose ignored? Whose narratives are to be heard and whose silenced? Indeed, how are the histories, identities, subjectivities and cultural narratives of the powerless to compete in the market place of power? -- are topics that are not just addressed here, but also are given skillful and full academic treatment. In short, the book attempts to answer (rather than beg as many other books on these subjects have done) the central question of cultural analyses: How is economic and social democracy to be achieved in cultures where power is mal-distributed and societal tendencies are always tilted strongly in the direction of maintaining the existing status quo?
The grand conceptual paradigm of the book is one likely to endure and withstand the most serious of moral and intellectual scrutiny. It is that: despite being racially problematic, the Enlightenment ideas (its ideals and norms of the individual, human rights, justice and progress) for the most part remain an uncontested universally defined and accepted arena. The task remaining for the cultural analyst of course is to wrest other lesser cultural forms (norms and tenets of universal human rights) from the control of privileged groups -- white middle and upper class men in particular -- and extend them to other races and classes. But it is precisely this access to the language, the categories, the aesthetic norms and the narratives in which the universals are narrowly couched and played out that is the most problematic of all.
Ultimately, what is being contested is how precisely to impute new values and meaning into those already "loaded" aesthetic norms and categories, values and meanings that must be re-fashioned to challenge the old meanings (as well as their conceptual containers). These authors' answer is a deep but troubling one: In the postmodern world there is no single truth. There are only at best more or less comprehensive and convincing versions of the truth that carry within them particular social implications. Truth in the end is a "discursive construct" which differs across histories and cultures, as well as between different interest groups within the same culture: Whoever has the power to define "Truth" in any society also has the power to define (Sartre's) "Others." Fifty five stars
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